GSBs started trickling into Cochin from late 13th century onwards following the military campaign by Alla-ud-din Khilji. The largest and the last great migration happened in A.D 1560 in wake of the inquisition in Goa. History of Cochin GSBs can be divided into three eras.
The Islamic incursions into Goa in late 13th century triggered a migration of Goud Saraswat Brahmins, a small number of them settled in Cochin. In the 14th century, following a great flood, Cochin (only a village before the Portuguese turned it into their first city in India) started to emerge as an important trade post, and commercial prospects attracted many Goud Saraswat Brahmins to Cochin.
The Goud Saraswat Brahmins of Cochin played a key role in the emergence of Cochin as the international trade center. Local rajas had granted them privileges to encourage trade in their domain. With the advent of Europeans, Cochin GSBs quickly developed trade links with them.
In A.D 1542 Kashimath samstan was established thus establishing religious autonomy of Cochin GSBs. A papal bull initiated inquisition in Goa 1560, triggering massive exodus of GSBs from Goa. A large contingent of GSBs joined existing GSB settlement of Cochin. Most of the newcomers were from the modern day Salcette district of southern Goa and were mostly entrepreneurs. The capital and skills brought in by GSBs played a major role in the ascendancy of Cochin which became one of the most important city of India.
The political ascendancy of Europeans in Cochin saw GSBs emerge as one of the most important trading communities of Cochin. The Saraswat Brahmins with their language skills and commercial acumen established themselves as the intermediaries between the Europeans and the native. Cochin GSBs did not play any role in inland trade of Kerala. All major GSBs temples were established in this period. Prosperous GSBs patronised the temples.
The GSB temples and the Kashimath samstan are reminders of the success and stature that Cochin GSBs achieved in this era.
In 1654, the Tirumala Devasom recorded the arrival of 360 families in Cochin. Among them was Devaraya Kamathi, one of the most prosperous merchants in Goa, who brought so many bags of gold coins that it required 200 persons to carry them.
Towards the end of the 18th century, the importance of Cochin as a commercial hub started diminishing. As a result Dutch power in Cochin started to wane. This development has adversely affected Saraswat Brahmins, who depended on Dutch for trade and protection. In 1772 the GSBs of Cochin came under the jurisdiction of Cochin rajas, disagreements appear to have developed between the two. The Saraswat Brahmins who did not invest enough resources in building and maturing relationship with indigenous communities found themselves in a position of weakness and isolation.
Another major development which affected GSBs in an adverse manner was the crowning of Sakthan Thampuran in late 18th century who was, for reasons not clear, ill disposed towards them. Following a dispute, Sakthan Tampuran ordered sacking of Cochin tirumala devaswom and GSB businesses. Many prominent GSBs were killed and the Cochin GSB temple was looted. Social status of Cochin GSBs suffered immensely from this episode. This was the beginning of a long isolation of Cochin GSBs from the rest of the Kerala population.
Around the same time, British replaced Dutch as the paramount power of Cochin. This episode was much more far reaching in consequences as far as Cochin GSBs were concerned. The British did not have any commercial interest in Cochin as Dutch did, which inevitably led to the decline of Cochin as a commercial hub. The Cochin GSBs who were the middlemen between Europeans and Malayalis were thus deprived of the source of income. The GSBs of Cochin, who mainly consisted of entrepreneurs and not literary class, simply did not have the know how to survive in the new order. Large sections of the community was quickly reduced to poverty under the circumstances. While community as a whole declined, the GSB temples continued to be rich providing the focal point around which the GSB life revolved, both in spiritual and secular sense.
By early 20th century, Cochin GSBs were reduced to an impoverished minority. Around this time cochin GSBs started making forays into inland trade. A small but prosperous entrepreneur class emerged in the ranks of Cochin GSBs. 1930s were the times when Kerala witnessed major social changes which saw the caste system weakening. GSB community remained largely impervious to these changes, and preferred to live in isolation. Land reforms initiated by government of Kerala contributed a lot to the decline of GSBs temples, a decline which continues even today. These two centuries were a period of great stagnation and degeneration among GSBs, a blow from which Cochin GSBs are yet to recover completely.
From 1950 onwards Cochin GSBs have started taking up white collar jobs, Banks founded by GSBs of Canara provided opportunities which previously did not exist. This gave rise to a small GSB middle class. Isolation of GSB community, however, prevented them from the reaping the benefits of Gulf boom of 70s. Towards the end of this period Cochin GSB community consisted of a small wealthy upper class, a small middle class, and large low income group. The success of the GSB entrepreneurs was evident from the fact that GSBs businessmen figured in among the top tax payers of Kerala state in disproportionally high number as late as early 1990s.
The advent of 1980s ushered an era of changes, both economical and social, within Cochin GSB community.
At the economic front, Kerala witnessed a change in the commercial landscape with flood of capital from the middle east. The Saraswat entrepreneurs who were hitherto successful were forced to compete with emerging business class flush with Persian Gulf capital, forcing saraswat Brahmin youngsters seek professional career in government and emerging service industry.
At the social front, breaking down of joint family system saw many GSBs venturing out of the ghettos, thus bringing them in contact with various malayali communities. This has resulted in the infusion of some fresh ideas into the community. Coming out of shell, Cochin GSB have started building building skills that enabled them to enter mainstream and compete successfully in a variety of pursuits.
The GSBs have also benefited from the accelerated pace of Globalization and the resulting boom from 1990s. The GSB middle class is fast expanding. Financial status of the community has steadily been improving with the wealth distribution becoming more even. Once an entrepreneur community, Cochin GSBs are now getting employed increasingly in service sector. A small trading class still thrives.
Increased social interaction with Malayali communities, while bringing in number benefits, is also threatens the continuing existence of GSB community as a separate one. This close social interaction has brought in inter caste marriages which could erode GSB population in long run.
Increasing shift of center gravity towards the professional middle class from the entrepreneur class, lower class emulating the middle class and climbing the social ladder, integration with Malayalam speaking communities, etc. are the major trends that shape the Cochin GSB community at the moment.
The Travancore region of Kerala is home to considerable number of Marathi Deshastha Brahmins who migrated from Tanjavur and Madhurai. Past few decades have witnessed sections of this community increasingly identifying themselves as Konkani GSBs. Intermarriages between the Marathi and Konkani Brahmin communities are on the rise. Some of the Marathi Brahmin community have even adapted Saraswat Brahmin Surnames.
Shrimad Vibhudendra Tirtha was the fourteenth Swamiji of the Kashi Matha Samsthan.The Swamiji had initiated a vatu into sanyasa and called him Shrimad Sumateendra Tirtha on 15th March, 1815. Later when the Guru Swamiji was camping in Manjeshwara in 1834, the Shishya-Swamiji was in Kochi. The Swamiji felt that his end was near and immediately sent for his Shishya Swamiji. However, due to the non-availability of suitable, rapid transport facilities, the Shishya-Swamiji could not come to Manjeshwara in time. In order to ensure the continuity of the pujas of the deities of the Kashi Matha Samsthan, the Guru-Swamiji initiated one Abbayya (perhaps Bhat), a scholarly vaidika of the retinue of the Swamiji and named him Shrimad Vasudendra Tirtha and attained Maha Samadhi on 27th February, 1834. His Vridavana is in the Kashi Matha premises in Manjeshwara.
Some time after the passing away of Shrimad Vibhudendra Tirtha Swamiji in 1834, a difference of opinion arose between his two Shishya-Swamijis. It went to such an extent that the younger Swamiji, Shrimad Vasudendra Tirtha demanded the division of all the movable and immovable properties of the Kashi Matha as well as the followers of the Matha and filed a suit in the Calicut court to that effect.
The two shishyas being the official and legal heirs of the entire Kashi Matha, the court agreed with the younger Swamiji and issued the necessary decree for the division of the Matha. But before enforcing the different provisions of the decree two events happened, which prevented the changing course of the history of the Kashi Math.
- Firstly, the elder Swamiji, Shrimad Sumateendra Tirtha, selected a minor from his followers and initiated him into sanyasa on 1849 and accepted him as shishya, who was namedshrimad Bhuvanendra Tirtha
- Secondly, the elder Swamiji, Shrimad Sumateendra Tirtha, attained Samadhi on 31 st January, 1851 in Shri Venkatapati Temple, Alleppy, where his Vrindavana is situated. When this happened, Shrimad Bhuvanendra Tirtha was still a minor.
In the meantime Shrimad Vasudendra Tirtha was camping in Shri Venkataramana Temple, Kundapura. He was about to get the decree enforced, thereby dividing the Matha into two Mathas and also to select a Shishya. It was at this time that news reached the Swamiji that his co-Shishya, Shrimad Sumateendra Tirtha, attained Samadhi in Alleppey. His Shishya, being a minor, a question arose as to who would be his guardian. The minor promptly and with great foresight requested Shrimad Vasudendra Tirtha to be his guardian.
Now the latter obliged. Further, he gave up the idea of division of the Kashi Matha and even went a step further. He voluntarily and with a broad mind delegated all his rights to his share of the property of the Kashi Matha sanctioned to him earlier by the court decree mentioned earlier, to his ward, the minor Swamiji. He did not proceed with his plans regarding the initiation of some one into sanyasa and accepting him as his Shishya Swami.
For reason not fully known, a rivalry between the Senior Pontiff Sudhindra Thritha and Junior Pontiff Raghavendra Thritha came to light in 2001. The courts have decided in favour of Senior Pontiff Sudhindra Thirtha, according to the latest reports. The whole episode has created a major discord in the community. Case is still pending in Andhra Pradesh High Court.
In the absence of reliable census data, it is difficult to ascertain the number of Cochin GSBs. The census reports from early 20th century conducted by Cochin and Travancore princely states give a combine figure of approximately 14,500. The population of these geographies have increased fivefold now. Assuming the GSB population grew at the same rate, a figure of 70,000 may be an extrapolated.
Cheralai area of Ernakulam city, Downtown Ernakulam, Allapuzha Anandanarayanapuram, chertala (muttam), Thuravoor, Kayamkulam, Kollam, and downtown Ernakulam, North Parur, Varapuzha, Cherai, Vypeen, TRIPUNITHURA (PURNAVEDAPURI),Kottayam and Ettumanoor are the some of the areas one finds significant GSB population.
Most Cochin GSBs speak a dialect of Konkani among themselves. Cochin konkani has incorporated large number of Malayalam words, extent of Malayalam influence varies from place to place. GSBs of Cherelai and Ernakulam and Tripunithura area of Cochin speak purer Konkani. As one moves southwards influence of Malayalam becomes more pronounced.
Almost all of Cochin GSBs write/read/speak Malayalam. Older GSBs hailing from predominantly GSB areas tend to speak grammatically wrong Malayalam with an accent. Malayalam spoken by Cochin GSBs is often caricatured in films and on stage in the past. Younger generation of Cochin GSBs have better command over Malayalam. A Good number of Cochin Konkanis have knowledge of Hindi. English is equally popular. Many GSBs of Cochin also understand Marathi as it is very close to Konkani.
There have been some efforts to develop Konkani, centred most around Cochin, but often they tend to be individual efforts. GSBs of Cochin by and large are indifferent to such efforts. T.D. High school of Cochin offers Konkani as third language. Konkani literature is insignificant save some poems and devotional songs.
Saraswat Brahmins are one of the most ancient tribes within Hindu society, retaining many of the ancient practices. Mainstream Brahmin community always had reservations against the Saraswat Brahmins for many Saraswat Brahmin customs were at odds with mainstream Brahmin traditions and observations, though no such basis can be traced to Hindu scriptures.
The post inquisition Saraswat Brahmin Diaspora experience is remarkably similar in wide areas where Saraswat Brahmins settled. The ruling elites were quick to realise the value of Saraswat Brahmin skills, whereas Social elite tried to undermine Saraswat Brahmins through persistent litigation and smear campaign. The saraswat experience in Kerala was no different.
Kerala society of yesteryears practised a very rigid form of caste system; The sudden appearance of Saraswat Brahmins in large numbers triggered two different and somewhat opposite reactions from elites of Kerala society. The ruling elites welcomed Saraswat Brahmins and granted many rights to them. The Saraswat Brahmins were gifted prime real estate properties to build their temples, they were allowed to build brick houses, and were even given right to collect taxes in many localities. Most of the saraswat Brahmin temples stand on properties gifted by Kshatriya and Nair elite.
The social elite consisting of different indigenous Brahmin sects viewed Saraswat Brahmins in a different light. At the highest level, Saraswat Brahmins belonged to Panch gauda as opposed to the indigenous Brahmins who were part of Panch Dravida group. The Saraswat Brahmins entered Cochin by sea, something which was a taboo in those days. The non vegetarian diet of Saraswat Brahmins constituted probably the most contentious issue. Finally, the saraswat Brahmins did not have any reservations against having a professional partnership with the Europeans in matters commercial. The Saraswat Brahmins thus represented a type of alien Brahminhood which was in total conflict with the Brahmin prototype prevalent in Kerala. Notwithstanding all the above, the Kerala Brahmin opposition to Saraswat Brahmin was not a knee jerk reaction, but a gradual one spread over a long period of time.
The as Western civilisation took root in Kerala soil, the kerala Brahmins, fearful of losing their exclusivity, started moving to remote parts of the Kerala state. The Saraswat Brahmins with more liberal attitudes towards Westerners stayed behind to take advantage of the commercial opportunities. The local Brahmins viewed this as guilt by association. The expansion European power and commerce brought staggering success to the Saraswat Brahmins and jealousy among sections of native population. The influential Tulu faction, who had a history of disputes with Saraswat Brahmin in Tulu Nadu, also worked towards denying Saraswat Brahmins many privileges rightly due to them. The Saraswat Brahmins, thus, did not really become part of the larger Brahmin community, preferring to maintain autonomy and entrepreneur activities at the expense of integration leading to some sort of social stigma.
Two centuries of introverted life has somewhat taken a toll on the Cochin GSBs and has deprived the community of social and linguistic skills required to thrive in a state which has a different social structure than the state in which they have their roots. It has resulted in a community which is essentially introverted which internalises its energies, and is not integrated completely with the mainstream of Kerala society. Till some years ago, GSBs were caricatured in popular media. Even though such caricaturing is not in fashion any more, stereotyping of GSBs still persists, albeit with less intensity.
Cochin GSBs have adapted vegetarianism in order to be accepted as Brahmins by Kerala society, this distinguishes them from rest of the southern Saraswats. The Cochin GSB cuisine is therefore vegetarian which retains many Goan characteristics. The main staple is rice and lentils (dal). This is supplemented with vegetables, Ambat, Gussi, Valval, Humann, etc. are some traditional GSB gravies. Cochin GSBs prepare a variety of rice pancakes (Dosas) and dumplings (idlis). Santhan (a flat steamed rice dumpling) and Hittu (pyramid shaped steamed rice dumpling wrapped in sachet made of jack fruit leaves) is unique to Cochin GSB cuisine. Pathrode is another GSB delicacy which is made of colocasia leaves and rice.
Cochin GSBs are Vaishnavites following Dwaita school of Madhwacharya and are followers of Kashi Mutt which traces origins to Kumbhakonam Math.
The Cochin GSB life revolves around their temples, there are about 35 of them in south/central Kerala. Annual festival of the temple is an occasion of great celebration among Cochin GSBs, diwali is also celebrated with great enthusiasm. Ugadi, Ganesh Chaturti, etc. are other festivals celebrated by the Cochin GSBs. Some GSB gramas celebrate Ukuli. Cochin GSBs have great devotion to Tirupati Balaji. Presiding deity of most GSB temples is Balaji. GSBs are also devoted to Narasimha.
The GSBs of Cochin are enthusiastic pilgrims. Tirupati is the most popular destination. More and more are visiting pilgrim centres of North India. Goa and Karnataka also figure out in GSB pilgrim itenerary. Pandharpur which used be another popular pilgrimage destination, no longer enjoys the popularity it used to be in the past. Singing bhajans is very popular among Cochin GSBs,Marathi bhajans praising Vithoba being the most popular.
Unfortunately Sanskrit scholarship is non existent among Cochin GSBs. Cochin GSB priests are only competent in performing poojas, none of them are known to be vedic scholars. GSB priests officiate mainly in GSB temples and Households. Their services are also sought by expatriate north and western Indian communities. Community now faces acute shortage of priests, and this is has resulted in deterioration of observance in GSB temples. This, in addition to a variety of other factors, have conspired to make GSBs of southern Kerala flock to Malayali temples, a practice frowned upon few decades ago. Large number of GSBs visit pilgrim centres like Guruvayoor and Sabarimala, something unheard in the past.
Thanks to the Kerala government policy of spreading literacy, Cochin GSBs have a high literacy rate. The community now places a high premium on education. Commerce is the most popular discipline among Cochin GSBs. Chartered accountancy is highly regarded. Engineering is a sought after discipline; more and more GSBs are now pursuing Engineering degrees. In the past, Cochin GSBs boasted famous doctors in their ranks, but nowadays the number of Cochin GSBs pursuing a career in medicine has been reduced to a trickle. Few Cochin GSBs pursue liberal arts and languages other than Hindi.
In spite of being a small community, Cochin GSBs have made their contribution to educational field of Kerala. Prestigious Alleppuzha Medical college was founded by GSBs of Allapuzha. Padiyar College of Homeopathy is yet another GSB venture. Many GSB temples run schools. T.D.School of Cochin is the first co educational institute of Kerala. Cochin T.D temple also manages a teachers training centre. There is another T.D.School in Allapuzha which is run by the Allapuzha T.D temple.
Baliga, Bhaktha, Bhatt, Kamath, Kilikar, Kini, Mallya, Nayak, Pai, Padiyar, Prabhu, Shenoy, Sharma, Rao etc. are common surnames among Cochin GSBs. Some Bhat families have adapted the surname Vadhyar while some use Mallan instead of Mallya. Recently, certain families have adopted the surname Mallaya (instead of Mallan). Kilikar, Sharma and Rao are surnames adapted by Cochin GSBs. Generally Cochin GSBs do not add name of their village to their name like Karnataka GSBs. Adding name of their Tharavadu is a Malayali custom adapted by some Cochin GSBs. Large of number of Cochin GSBs have added father's first name to their given names and dropped surnames altogether.