Martial race

Martial race was a designation created by Army officials of British India after the mutiny of 1857, where they classified each ethnic group into one of two categories, 'martial' and 'non-martial'.  The ostensible reason was that a 'martial race' was typically brave and well-built for fighting,  while the 'non-martial races' were those whom the British believed to be unfit for battle because of their sedentary lifestyles. However the real reason was to justify that, after British-trained Indian soldiers rebelled after the war of 1857, the British increased recruitment from the races which had remained loyal to the British and diminished or abandoned recruitment from the catchment area of the Bengal army.  The concept already had a precedent in Indian culture as one of the four orders (varnas) in the Vedic-Hindu social system are known as the Kshatriya, literally "warriors."

Criteria

The British recruited heavily from the 'martial races' for service in the colonial army. Sensing the inequalities and fierce loyalty to one's tribe or group of the diverse native peoples of the subcontinent, the British found opportunities to use it to their own great advantage. These already wide divides were a fertile breeding ground to inculcate pride in one's identity based on 'race'. This served the British in two ways. On the one hand it made sure that there was no repetition of the Indian rebellion of 1857 by ensuring there was no unity among the different subjects of the Raj. On the other hand it encouraged a sense of competition among the different 'races'.

The British faced fierce resistance in some regions while easily conquering some others. British officials sought 'martial races' accustomed to hunting, or from agricultural cultures from hilly or mountainous regions with a history of conflict. Others were excluded due to their 'ease of living' or branded as seditious agitators. The doctrine of 'martial races' postulated that the qualities that make a useful soldier are inherited and that most Indians, with the exception of the specified groups, did not have the requisite traits that would make them warriors. 

British general and scholar Lieutenant-General Sir George MacMunn (1869–1952) noted in his writings "It is only necessary for a feeling to arise that it is impious and disgraceful to serve the British, for the whole of our fabric to tumble like a house of cards without a shot being fired or a sword unsheathed". To this end, it became British policy to recruit only from those tribes whom they classified as members of the 'martial races', and the practice became an integral part of the recruitment manuals for the Army in the British Raj. According to Dr. Jeffrey Greenhut, "The Martial Race theory had an elegant symmetry. Indians who were intelligent and educated were defined as cowards, while those defined as brave were uneducated and backward." 

The British regarded the 'martial races' as valiant and strong but also intellectually inferior, lacking the initiative or leadership qualities to command large military formations. They were also regarded as politically subservient or docile to authority.  For these reasons, the 'martial races' theory did not lead to officers being recruited from them; recruitment was based on social class and loyalty to the British Raj.  One source calls this a "pseudo-ethnological" construction, which was popularised by Frederick Sleigh Roberts, and created serious deficiencies in troop levels during the World Wars, compelling them to recruit from 'non-martial races'. Winston Churchill was reportedly concerned that the theory was abandoned during the war and wrote to the Commander-in-Chief, India that he must, "rely as much as possible on the martial races".  After Indian Independence, the Indian Army abandoned this theory and recruitment took place without discrimination.

Critics of this theory state that the Indian rebellion of 1857 may have played a role in reinforcing the British belief in 'martial races'. During this event the troops from the Bengal Native Infantry led by sepoy Mangal Pandey mutinied against the British. The Bengal troopers were recruits drawn from the martial stock of Bhumihar Brahmins and Rajputs of Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh. However, the loyal Pashtuns, Punjabis, Gurkhas, Kumaoni/Kumaunis and Garhwalis did not join the mutiny, and fought on the side of the British Army. From then on, this theory was used to the hilt to accelerate recruitment from among these 'races', whilst discouraging enlistment of 'disloyal' poorabiya troops and high-caste Hindus who had sided with the rebel army during the war. Some authors, such as Heather Streets, argue that the military authorities puffed up the images of the martial soldiers by writing regimental histories, and by extolling the kilted Scots, kukri-wielding Gurkhas and turbaned Sikhs in numerous paintings.  Richard Schultz, an American Jewish author, has claimed the martial race concept as a supposedly clever British effort to divide and rule the people of India for their own political ends. 

The hillmen Kumaonis, Garhwalis, Dogras and Gorkhas were initially a great impediment to the establishment of the British Empire, but once they gave their loyalty to the British they helped them greatly in their administration and were thus given the status of martial race. Kumaonis had helped the British in their efforts against the Gurkhas in the Nepal War. When they were observed by the British to be fighting on both sides—the British as well as the Gorkha side—their valour was given recognition by the British and they were included in the British Army. It is interesting to note that the 3rd Gorkha Rifles was known as the Kumaon battalion when it was formed, and included Kumaonis and Garhwalis along with the Gorkhas. The Kumaonis, once accepted as a martial race, were themselves to be recruited in the Hyderabad regiment and displace the native troops, ultimately becoming the Kumaon Regiment after the independence of India.

Tribes and groups designated as martial classes

In British colonial times
British-declared 'martial races' in Central Asia, 

• Ahirs/Yadavs  
• Awans 
• Bhumihar Brahmin (excluded later after rebellions)
• Bunts
• Dhund Abbasis
• Khatris
• Dogra 
• Gakhars
• Garhwalis 
• Ghumman
• Gujjar 
• Gurkhas 
• Janjua 
• Jats 
• Kamboj/Kamboh. 
• Khokhar 
• Kodava (Coorgs)
• Kumaoni/Kumaunis 
• Mahars
• Marathas 
• Mohyals
• Nairs  (removed after rebelling)
• Pashtuns 
• Qaimkhanis
• Rors
• Reddys 
• Rajputs 
• Sainis
• Sikhs 
• Sudhan
• Tanolis 
• Tarkhans
• Vanniya kula kshatriya 

The Marathas were classified as 'non-martial' after the 1857 rebellion. The recruitment of 'Madrassis' for infantry only took place during the Second World War when large numbers of troops were required to defend the British Empire in the form of a newly raised Madras Regiment. The Nairs ofKerala were initially included in the list, however after the Nairs of Travancore rebelled against the British under Velu Thampi Dalawa, they were recruited in lower numbers.

The martial tradition amongst Sikhs seems to have its precepts in the militarisation of the Sikhs by the Sixth and Tenth Sikh Gurus. The tenth Sikh Guru Gobind Singh proclaimed that one Sikh was equal to sava lakh (one hundred twenty five thousand) and a fauj-a one man army. 

By the Pakistani military

Though seldom used in today's context, it has been alleged that Pakistan Military believed in the concept of martial races, and thought that they would easily defeat India in a war, especially prior to the Second Kashmir War  Based on this belief in martial supremacy, it was popularly said that one Pakistani soldier was equal to four to ten Hindus or Indian soldiers,  and thus numerical superiority of the foe could be overcome. 

The Pakistan Army was also accused of bias and racism by the Bengalis of East Pakistan who felt humiliated by this dubious theory that was being floated in West Pakistan, that they were not 'martially inclined' compared to the Punjabis and Pashtuns. Pakistani author Hasan-Askari Rizvi notes that the limited recruitment of Bengali personnel in the Pakistan Army was because the West Pakistanis "could not overcome the hangover of the martial race theory". 

Defence writers in Pakistan have noted that the 1971 defeat was partially attributable to the flawed 'martial races' theory which led to wishfully thinking that it was possible to defeat the Indian Army based on the theory alone. Author Stephen P. Cohen notes that "Elevating the 'martial races' theory to the level of an absolute truth had domestic implications for Pakistani politics and contributed to the neglect of other aspects of security."   Since then, the 'martial race' theory has rarely, if ever, been used by Pakistan.

In the armed forces of modern India

The martial race classification, which was created by the British, has continued in use with modifications, in order to maintain the regimental system of the Indian Army. The term "martial class" is no longer in use. New categories and classes have been included such as "All India All Class", "Other Indian Caste", etc. The regimental system in the Indian Army has changed with the conversion or raising of new mixed class regiments such as the Parachute Regiment, Brigade of the Guards, Mahar Regiment, and Mechanised Infantry Regiment. Expansion of theRegiment of Artillery and other arms and services which have predominantly all-India class compositions have created vacancies for recruitment for all classes to be represented. As of 2012 recruitment in India was maintained in exact proportion to the population of able-bodied men of military age in each state.

Unlike recruitment of soldiers, which is done on a pro rata basis based on the population composition of each state, the selection of officers is officially free of quota or bias towards any state or community. Since deep selection of each candidate is done by means of a nation-wide examination, objective psychological assessment in the Services Selection Boards and medical checking by means of a Services Medical Board is carried out before a merit list is made up. The composition of officer cadets recruited into the Indian Military Academy (IMA) changes from time to time, and these changes reflect the population size and composition of a state and other socio-economic and cultural issues rather than an official bias or selection pattern.

Stephen Cohen has analysed this class-based recruiting pattern in the context of today’s Indian Army:

Infantry recruits for the Indian Army are still chosen on the basis of religious, regional or caste quotas. The British called this distinct recruitment groups "classes" (essentially ethnic groups) and the term is still in use. Various army regiments—Sikhs, Rajputs, Garhwalis, Mahars, Gurkhas, Dogras and so forth—correspond to these classes. Each class has an elaborate tradition anchored in the "martial" history of particular caste or ethnic group, and the different classes engage in friendly competition. The raw material of the army, the jawan, or ordinary soldier, is still drawn from the villages of India. Here he is inculcated with traditional notions of obedience, but he remains tied to the village authority structure; his behaviour in the army reflects upon his village, and caste elders ensure that any runaway is returned to the army for discipline.

…Thus today’s armed forces, especially the army (the air force and the navy more closely resemble their western counterparts), represent the melding of ancient practices, recently invented "traditions", and modern professional norms.

Of the figures for the intake of officer cadets into the IMA during the period 1983-87 by region, a substantial 23.24% were from Uttar Pradesh-Uttaranchal. Other states included Punjab(12.32%),Haryana and Chandigarh(10.90%), Delhi (9.21%), Kerala (5.26%), Himachal Pradesh (3.73%), Jammu and Kashmir (2.97%), & Rajasthan (4.33%). Under represented states includes Andhra Pradesh (3.78%), Assam (0.55%), Bihar (5.34%), West Bengal (2.47%), Gujarat (0.52%), Karnataka (3.02%), Maharashtra (4.22%), Madhya Pradesh (3.89%), Orissa (1.32%) & Tamil Nadu(2.30%). 

Moopil Nair & Onnu Kure Áyiram Yogam

Moopil Nair is the term used to denote Nair Naduvazhis (rulers of nads or city states) and Desavazhis (rulers of desams) of tiny feudal kingdoms on the Malabar Coast, present day Kerala state,South India. Moopil Nairs belonged to the Samanthan Nair subcaste of the Nair caste in the Hindu Caste system. After the fall of the Mahodayapuram Cheras in 12th century, Malabar Coast was fragmented into numerous feudal city states called nads (swaroopams), ruled by Naduvazhis. These Nads were again divided in to desams ruled by the Desavazhis or Moopil Nairs.

The most famous royal dynasty of the Moopil Nairs were Valluvakkonathiris, who ruled Valluvanad, based on present day Angadippuram. Other important royal dynasties were that of Kavalappara Moopil Nair (of Kavalappara Swaroopam), Kuthiravattathu Moopil Nair (near Kozhikode, commanded Samoothiri of Calicut's cavalry forces), Mannarkad Moopil Nayar (ruled the area in and around Attappady) and Kuppathode Moopil Nair (ruled Pulpally).

Onnu Kure Áyiram Yogam (Malayalam:ഒന്നു കുറെ ആയിരം യോഗം), also called OKAY, is an association of members of the Nair society in the Kodungallur region of Kerala state, India. LiterallyOnnu Kure Áyiram Yogam means an association of one minus one thousand. The yogam (association) was an organisation of Nairs of the region and various sub classes of the Nair community had representations in the yogam.

The members of the yogam were the administrators of the Kodungallur Bhagavathy Temple. The yogam used to be held on the first day of every month before the Kodungallur Bhagavathy temple and considered all matters pertaining to the subjects who are within their jurisdiction and took appropriate decisions.

History

The yogam was once a militant force under the Cheraman Perumals (kings of Chera dynasty) composed of one thousand people including the Perumal (the Chera king) himself and his friends from the Nair community.

Even after the end of Chera dynasty in the early 12th century, the organization continued to exist; but they decided not to fill the absence of the Chera kings. Hence the number shrank to nine hundred and ninety nine and the yogam became known by its present name.

However, some legends tells the mysterious disappearance of a Cheraman Perumal (the Chera king) and his conversion to Islam and the followed Hajj. So, the Nair militia shrank nine hundred and ninety nine 

Today, the organisation is usually referred to by its acronym, OKAY. Even after the end of the Perumal reign, when the Kodungallur Royal Family took over the administration in the region, theyogam and the kings used to meet and take joint decisions on the administration of the temple on the first day of every month (Kollam Era). They also performed a ritual called Nizhalirikkal, afterPantheeradi Puja, at the east gate of the temple in continuation of the summit . Nizhalirikkal was a committee on administration of the temple which had a quorum of 32 members. Pantheeradi (twelve feet) Puja (worship) is one of the daily puja rituals performed in Kerala temples when the shadow reaches 12 feet of length. 

Present day operations

Today the yogam directly administers the functions of the temple on important dates. For example, it administers the functions on the first day of the Thálappoli festival which is a four-day festival being held in January each year. It also funds various community activities.

Mamankam festival

Mamankam festival or Mamangam festival (Malayalam: മാമാങ്ക മഹോത്സവം) was a month long ancient festival celebrated at Thirunavaya, Malabar coast, south India, in the present day state of Kerala from the time of Kulasekharas (Cheras) in every 12 years until 18th century, mostly remembered for the bloody battles occurred during the festivals after 14th century. Mamankam festival was a great trade fair from the Sangam period where traders from around the world came through Ponnani Port by ships and barges.

At the end of the rule of Kulasekharas, the right of Mamankam passed to the kings of Perumpadappu and then to the Hindu Nair rulers of Valluvanad. Later the Samoothiri of Kozhikode defeated the Valluvanad rulers in Thirunavaya Wars (14th century AD) and resulting in a dispute and bloodshed between these two rulers. Though the Sammothiri was also a Hindu Nair, he had the overwhelming support of the Muslim Arab merchants which the ruler of Valluvanad did not have. The Samoothiri declared himself as Maharakshapurusha of the temple in Thiruavaya. From that day forth, the Valluvanadan king began to send Chaver Nairs to fight until death, and to recapture the right from the Samoothiri, who would stand poised at Nilapadu thara in Thriunavaya, surrounded by a large contingent of warriors.

The last such Mamankam festival, was believed to have been held in 1755, when the Samoothiri/Zamorin had a hair-breadth escape from a chaver aged 16 named Putumanna Kandaru Menon.

Many local festivals with the name "Mamankam" are conducted in temples across Kerala. To disambiguate them from the Mamankam conducted at Thirunavaya, they are usually denoted by the name of the place along with the title.

Etymology

Originally derived from the word, 'Maha-Magha', literally, Great Magha, with Magha being a month in the Hindu calendar,  which was later apapted into Malayalam, as Mamankam and in Tamilas Mamangam.

Background

After the disintegration of the Kulasekharas, most of their provinces became independent, giving rise to numerous Nair city states along the coast of Malabar. The Perumpadappu kingdom and then Valluvanad owned the right conduct the Mamankam festival as Maharakshapurusha. After acquiring the Polanad state, the Saamoothiri turned his attention to other states around him. Between 1553–1561 AD, the Saamoothiri Raja fought a series of small battles with smaller states called the Thirunavaya Wars. As Thirunavaya was captured, Saamoothiri proclaimed himself as the Rakshāpurusha (protector) and took over sole right of conducting the Mamankam festival.  The next Mamankam at Thirunavaya was conducted under the auspices of Saamoothiri with great pomp and splendor.

During the Mamankam festival, all other kings used to send flags as a symbol of regard to the Saamoothiri at Thirunavaya. But Valluvakkonathiri who did not recognise the Saamoothiri as the legitimate Rakshapurusha but considered him only a usurper used to send Chavers instead. If these men could kill the Saamoothiri, who was protected by thousands of soldiers, the right of Rakshapurusha would have devolved on the Walluvanad Raja. These Chaavers were sworn soldiers who preferred death to defeat, and who sacrificed their lives to avenge the death of Valluvanad princes in the Thirunavaya war. The death of the Vellaattiri princes also started a period of intense hatred and war between the two kingdoms which paved the way for the diminishing the power of Valluvanad. Kudippaka or blood feud was prevalent in the society. If a Nair was killed (In his attempt to assassinate the Samoothiri), it was the duty of the relatives or even the subsequent generations of the deceased to avenge the death. So, Most of these Chaver soldiers had lost their relatives or elders in previous wars with the Saamoothiri, and were fuelled by 'kudippaka' (blood feud). They came from various parts of Valluvanad, assembled at Thirumanthamkunnu under Vellaattiri, and were led by commanders from one of the four houses.

Further details were provided by Willian Logan and Hamilton about the Mamankam of 1683 and 1695 respectively.

Vellaattiri, after losing Thirunavaya and the right of the Rakshapurusha, began to conduct the Pooram festival in the place of Mamankam, at Angadipuram (Walluvappally), his capital. Here in the temple of his tutelary deity Thirumanthamkunnu Bhagavathi, he stood on a raised granite platform from where in the olden days his predecessors started the procession to Thirunavaya for theMamankam festival in peace. It was from here that the Chavers were sent to the Mamankam festival afterwards when Saamoothiri occupied it.

The war of Thirunavaya was not the end of Saamoothiri's aggression on Walluvanad. He continued his attacks on Vellaattiri. But he encountered stiff resistance and the fights went on in a protracted and sporadic fashion for a long time. (Kunnathattil Madambil Nair (Nair of Mannarghat) was the desavazhi who looked after the affairs of the eastern boundary and hilly areas of Vellattiri. Chondathil Mannadiar (Puthumanna Panicker) and Nair of Kavada were other chiefs under him. This council of great men was a huge challenge to Saamoothiri even during times when mutual rivalries weakened the Vellaattiri Swaroopam.)

Dharmoth Panicker the erstwhile Army Chief of Samoothiri had already shown dissatisfaction on issues of capture of Mamankam. Saamoothiri followed a policy of appeasing the feudatories of Vellaattiri and conferring upon them the areas they originally held under Vellaattiri. He was able to win over Mupil Nair, Nair of Pulappatta and Nair of Kavalappara to his side one by one. Thus Saamoothiri gradually became the master of Malappuram, Nilambur, Vallappanattukara and Manjeri, which were under these feudal lords. Eralpad (Saamoothiri prince) now began to rule these areas as supreme commander over them, with Karimpuzha as his base. But Saamoothiri faced defeat in the next attack on Perumpadappu. The Perumpadappu Rajas appealed to their ally Vellaattiri for assistance. Their combined army resisted Saamoothiri's forces and a bloody war ensued for three days, at the end of which Saamoothiri's army was on the retreat.

Participating Families

After the capture of Thirunavaya by Samoothiri, the festival often turned into battlefields. The Chavers (Suicide squad) to assassinate the Samoothiri participating from the kingdom of Valluvanadhailed from the four of the most important Nair families of Valluvanad. These families were:

• Putumanna Panikkars
• Chandrath Panikkars
• Kokat Panikkars
• Verkot Panikkars

A total of 18 deshavazhis (Governors) of Valluvanadu went to the Mamankam festival, led by the lead Nair from each of the four main families. Apart from the four lead warriors, the other 14 hailed from the following families (Swaroopams):

Two Nairs from unknown Valluvanad families, Two Nambuthiris from Valluvanad, Two Moopil Nairs from the Valluvanad Royal House, Achan of Elampulakkad, Variar of Kulathur, Pisharody of Uppamkalathil, Vellodi of Pathiramana, Nair of Parakkatt, Nair of Kakkoott, Nair of Mannarmala & Pisharody of Cherukara.  Out of the 18 deshavazhis, 13 were Nairs (Mostly Menon Panickersection of Kiryathil Nair subcaste), 2 were Namboothiri Brahmins and 3 were Ambalavasi Brahmins.

The ruler of Valluvanadu hailed from the Vellattiri subdivision of Samanthan Nair subcaste, and held the title of "Moopil Nair". Zamorin belonged to the Eradi subdivision of Samanthan Nairsubcaste.

1683 – Mamankam festival

Account of Chaver attack at Mamankam of this year given by Logan – "Amid much din and firing of guns the Morituri, the Chaver Nairs, the elect of four Nair houses in Waluvanad, step forth from the crowd and receive the last blessings and farewells of their friends and relatives. They have just partaken of the last meal they are to eat on earth at the house of the temple representative of their chieftain; they are decked with garlands and smeared with ashes. On this particular occasion it is one of the houses of Putumanna Panikkar who heads the fray. He is joined by seventeen of his friends – for all who so wish may fall in with sword and target in support of the men who have elected to die. Armed with swords and targets alone they rush at the spearmen thronging the palisades; they wind and turn their bodies, as if they had no bones, casting them forward and backward, high and low, even to the astonishment of the beholders, as worthy Master Johnson describes them in a passage already quoted. But notwithstanding the suppleness of their limbs, notwithstanding their delight and skill and dexterity in weapons, the result is inevitable, and is prosaically recorded in the chronicle thus: The number of Chavers who came and died in the early morning the next day after the elephant began to be adorned with gold trappings – beingPutumana Kantar Menon and followers – was 18. At various times during the ten last days of the festival the same thing is repeated. Whenever the Zamorin takes his stand on the terrace, assumes the sword and shakes it, men rush forth from the crowd on the west temple gate only to be impaled on the spears of the guardsmen who relieve each other from day to day."

1695 – Mamankam festival

About the next Mamankam from 'New Accounts of the East Indies' by Captain Alexander Hamilton, Chapter XV :- "In Anno 1695, one of these jubilees happened when the tent was pitched near Ponnany, a seaport of his (Samoothiri's) about 15 leagues to the southward of Calicut. There were but three men that would venture on that desperate action, who fell on with sword and target, among the guards, and after they had killed and wounded many, were themselves killed. One of the desperadoes had a nephew of fifteen or sixteen years of age, that kept close by his uncle in the attack on the guard, and when he saw him fall, the youth got through the guard into the tent and made a stroke at His Majesty's head and had certainly despatched him, if a large brass lamp which was burning over his head, had not marred the blow; but before he could make another he was killed by the Mangatchhan's guards, and I believe the same Samoothiri reigns yet. I chanced to come that time along the coast and heard the guns for two or three days and nights successively." The 15 year old boy mentioned was Chandrath Panicker (Chandrathil Chanthunni Menon). 

Mamankam in 1999

Mamankam was again organised in 1999 under the guidance of NM Namboodiri managed by his friend Mr. Gireesan K.

Nair dynasties

A number of Nair dynasties existed in present day Kerala state, South India in the Late Middle Ages. These Hindu dynasties ruled tiny city states called "nadus" and were in frequent warfare with each other.  Though served as a powerful militia and hereditary governors under the Later Chera rule in Kerala, the independent Nair kingdoms emerged only in 12th century, after the fall of Mahodayapuram in the hands of Later Cholas. They are one of the archaic dynasty in civilization and the only archaic community which is still hailing and existing with its most ancient inheritance, customs, usages, practices, and serpent worship.  Nair clan is well known as supreme at endurance, rage, jurisprudence, special status to women, and expertise of weaponry

The Nambiār, also known as Nambiyār, is an Indian caste who were historically the landlord clans in the North Malabar region of Kerala. The Nambiars are in many ways similar to Nair, however marital alliance with other Nairs southward is prohibited, due to different ethnic origin. In a broader sense, term "Nambiar" is used to cover all those Samanthan Nair clans of North Malabar even if they hold titles of Kidave, Nayar, Kurup, Nayanar, Adiyodi and so on. 

Men of this clan affix Nambiār as their caste name. Nambiārs were Rājas, Sāmantans  and Nāduvazhi (chiefs of fiefdoms and leaders of militias) and Jenmimar (landed gentry). Kolathiri, the Edachery Nambiars, the Rājā of Kadathanādu, Randuthara Achanmār (chiefs of Poyanādu),"Chulali Swarupam" ( descendents of last perumal) and the Iruvalinādu Nambiyārs (chiefs of Iruvalinādu) belonged to this clan. The largest landlords of Malabar belonged to the Nambiar clan.

Etymology

In Malayālam the word "Nambuka" means "trust", hence the title of "Nambiār" is dignification meaning "those who are trusted", i.e. as governors by the royal family to rule on their behalf.

Position in society

Sthānam holders (dignities)

• Among the two highest classes are certain persons of superior dignity, called Nambirs [Nambiars]. They were originally the kings, head men of Desams, or villages. The Nambiārs (along with a few other select Nāyar clans of north Malabār like Kurup, Viyyur, Manavallan, Vengdian, Nellioden, Adungadi, Kitavu, Adiyodi, Amayengolam) are composed of or correspond to the Kiryathil Nair clans of south Malabār.  Nambiārs were among the largest landlords in Malabār between the 16th and 20th centuries. In Kolathunādu, feudatories of Kolathiri were predominantly of the Nambiār clan, and exercised quasi-independent and possessed armies of their own.  As learned and landed gentry, Nambiārs were extremely influential in the socio-political scene of north Malabar during this period.

However, after Hyder Ali's invasion of Malabar in 1766, Nambiar clans were engaged in frequent guerrilla warfare with Mysorean troops as well as with Mappila troops of their ally Ali Rajah of Cannanore, who was gifted kingdom of Kolathiri. For 23 years, from 1766 to 1789, Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sultan fought and allied with Nambiar clans - independent chiefs of Randathara and Iruvazhinad and Eastern Chirakkal had their own agendas whereas Nambiars of Kadathanad, Kottayam, Chirakkal and Nileshwaram followed orders of their Rajahs. Also taking into account the immense power held by Nambiars in Northern Malabar, tax officials of Mysore government introduced Zamindari system of revenue settlement in North Malabar in contrast to Ryotwari system of tax collection of Southern Malabar. 

But by 1789, all of Nambiar clans joined the mass uprising that spanned over Malabar as a response to the forcible conversion attempt of Tippoo Sultan and in 1790-91 period their help proved crucial for British victories at Katirur and Cannanore. In the turbulent 14 years that followed British seizure of Malabar in 1792, Nambiars played a crucial role in the turbulence that followed British attempt to establish their rule. From 1792 till 1798, Nambiars like rest of Nayar clans in Malabar kept up their low intensity resistance to British rule in North Malabar but in Kottayam, they joined ranks of Pazhassi Raja's armies and took part in his bloody decade long guerrilla warfare with British. Kaitheri Ambu and Kannavath Sankaran, famed partisans of Pazhassi Raja belonged to Nambiar stock. 

Despite loss of their military power following British annexation of Malabar in 1800, Nambiars, retained their land and social status till middle of twentieth century when they lost much of their social prestige and influence after Government of Kerala enacted Land Reforms Ordinance in 1960's.

Nambiārs like other Nāyars in north Malabār, until the early twentieth century held a prejudice that they were superior to their counterparts in South Malabar. In earlier days, Nambiār women, like most women of Nāyar clans of north Malabar would not unite herself to Nāyar men of South Malabar, nor to Nāyarr men from central and south Kerala. Therefore such superior-clan Nāyar woman of North Malabār (Nambiār women being no exception), could not pass the hills to the eastward and the Elathur River to the south. It was a taboo and breach of which involved forfeiture of caste 

However in the early twentieth century, wives of government employees (stationed outside north Malabār) began to accompany their husbands and such customs and prejudices died out in due course. Prominent families among Nambiārs claiming superior rank to the bulk also enjoyed ritualistic rights as ũrālar and constituted the village/desom assemblies and temple committees of Malabār, which were rural agrarian corporations in character, and enjoyed partial autonomy and took part in local administration as urban guilds/corporations. The term ũr means village and ũrālan(ũrālar, if joint partnership) means master (masters) or proprietor in these villages. Nambiār men were addressed with an honorary suffix of Eshmanan ('Master' in old Malayalam) and the women were addressed with a suffix of Kovilamma(sometimes kol) or Amma to their names, in the past by castes lower to them in hierarchy. The eldest male member was addressed suffixing Achan or Eshamanan to the family name. 

Customs and practices

Nambiārs followed the Marumakkathayam (Matrilineal) system of inheritance with both uxorilocal and virilocal marriages and lived in units called Tharavadus (matrilineal joint-family). General Nair customs and practices like pulikudi, irupethiettu, choroonu, Kāthukuthu, Vidyārambham, Tālikettu, Thirandukalyānam and pudamuri among Nambiārs were practiced. The priest for the tāli-kettu for Nambiār women were Nambũdiri men  and post death ceremonies required priests from a class of Brahmnins called Elayatu. In these areas, Nambiars were higher than the Nambuthiri caste. Nambuthiries were not given any special conisderation in these areas. However in the Kadathanadu lineage, the tāli rite was performed by Kolathiri princes. Kolathiri Royal family was also Nambiars. As Nambiars were the top-most- Nair clan, they never did marriage alliance with Nambuthiries. 

Nambiārs take part in extensive Serpent / (Nāga), Vettakkorumakan and Daivathar worship along with the worship of Shiva, Durga and Vishnu as their clan-deities (Kula Daivam).

Pottan Theyyam

Pottan theyyam worship is popular among Nambiārs and other nāyars of Malabar. The tradition behind Pottan theyyam is related to Sree Shankaracharya . While he was going to ascend "Sarwanjha Peedam" (throne of knowledge) Shiva intervened, disguised as a pulayan, with the intention to further test his knowledge. Siva came as 'Pulapottan', accompanied by 'Pulachāmundi' (Pārvathy in disguise) and, 'Pulamaruthan' (his minister Nadikesan). Shankaracharya asked them to go away as he did not want to be polluted by coming near to members of the lower caste. Then 'Pottan', who was Siva in disguise, engaged Shankaracharya in a series of arguments in which the former exposes the hollowness of caste system which divides the humanity into irrational fragments. "These arguments are ideated in "thottam" " that are verses pregnant with meanings."It is blood that flows through our veins (though I am a Pulaya); It is rice harvested from my dirty fields that is served as food for you"-the arguments of Siva in disguise goes. These statements made shankaracharya realize his prejudices and is enacted in this theyyam. During this performance by using different masks one after another the same performer acts the role of these different deities. There is also another myth that elders in Pulingome, near Payyannur in Kannurabout the origin of 'Pottan Theyyam'. According to that story one wise man belonging to Pulaya community entered into argument with Shankaracharya about untouchability and the pollution caused by lower caste. After the departure of Shankaryacharya from the scene his disciples killed him and put in pyre. Later this Pulaya got transformed into 'Pottan Theyyam' and was worshipped in repentance for the sin performed by killing him. The nearly five-hour long performance of Theyyam begins with 'Thottam Pattu". It is followed by the appearance of the performer as "Pulamaruthan", " Pulapottan" and "Pulachamundi" theyyams in that order . The most breath-taking part of the performance is "Pulapottan" lying over the burning embers ("meleri", heap of red hot embers ), which is what remains when the logs of tamarind (Tamarindus indica) and jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus) trees burn.

Kadāngot Mākkam

Mākkam is an important theyyam worshipped by the Nambiārs. Mākkam represents the only case of a “sainted” women belonging to the nāyars of Malabar .   The Mākkam theyyam is performed at the Kadāngot tharavadu in Kunhimangalam (Payyannur). Kadangot Aaroodha Tharavadu Nambiars were the erstwhile rulers of Payyannur and other adjacent areas of Kunhimangalam and ramanthali. Still the family is based at Kunhimangalam and is a part of the great history of Payyannur and other adjacent areas. The legend is that Mākkam was falsely maligned for having an affair with an vāniyan and her brothers under the influence of their wives (who were jealous of Mākkam's beauty and position in the Tharavādu) murdered Mākkam and her children. The Mākkam theyyam is in repentance of this.The festival of Theyyam is celebrated at the Kadangot Aaroodha Tharavādu by the family members every year in date of Khumbam 10-11 (in the month of Feb-March). The Kadangot Nambiars have got Veerachamundeswari as their Clan Deity who is being worshipped along with Kadangot Makkam Bhagavathy. For Makkam Bhagavathy they have a separate temple in their Tharavadu compound, whereas Veerachamundeswari is worshipped in the Kottilakam (a separate room in the Tharavadu itself) along with other manthra moorthis like Angakulangara Bhagavathy, Kakkara Bhagavathy, Perkulangara Bhagavathy, Kurathi Amma, Madayil Chamundeswari, Kundoor Chamundeswari and Vishnu Moorthi iswaran.

Pooram (spring festival)

Pooram is an important festival for women of Nambiār households. In north Malabar, (the erstwhile Kolathunādu), Poorolsavam (Pooram) is a spring festival, observed by women and girls for fertility. The girls and virgins observe pooram for getting appropriate husbands while married women perform this ritual for the longevity of their husbands. This is exactly the parallel of Thiruvāthira, which is prevalent in the districts from Kozhikode to Thiruvananthapuram. Like the Thiruvāthira festival, pooram is also celebrated by women to appease Lord Shiva for the rebirth of Kāmadeva(Cupid). However the rituals, songs and dances are entirely different from those of Thiruvathira.The myth of pooram is that, after the demise of Kāma, 18 virgins of Devaloka prepared the idol ofKāma, decorated it with flowers and danced around the idols with varied songs and foot works. The important aspects of the pooram celebration are :Poovidal (setting of flowers), watering rituals,Pooramtheli (making auspicious sounds by women), preparation of Kām vigrahas (idols of Kāma), decorating Kāma with flowers and similar objects, Poovada chudal (cooking the ada – sweet cake made of rice powder, grated coconut and jaggery, covered with green leaves), cooling of Poorakkanji (raw rice prepared with grated coconut), send off ritual of Kāma, are performed exclusively by women.

Poithu (private duel)

Poithu was a warrior custom that was common amongst Nambiar till late nineteenth century. It was private duel between two men which ended in death of either one of the parties. It was most common in Kadathanad, Kottayam and Kolathunadu. Unlike Ankam which was a publicized event done with a Naduvazi as referee and in front of a large audience, Poithu was fought between men in time and spot decided by them with or without presence of an audience with no referee.

Pula (ritualistic defilement / pollution)

Pula or ritualistic defilement / pollution was observed for 12 Days after every death in the Tharavādu. Partial pollution called Valāima was observed whenever there was a birth in the family. 

Māttu (change of raiment) for purification

Nambiār women observed pollution for three days during menstruation. While in her period, she did not eat or drink with any other member of the Tharavādu, and at the end on the fourth day, she must be purified by māttu (change of raiment). It involved, after a bath, accepting washed clothes from the washerwoman normally ordained for the tiya caste (vannāthi). Pollution, which may come through a death in the family, through child birth, or menstruation must be removed by māttu. There was no avoiding it. Until it was done, and it must be done on the fourth day, the woman was out of caste. It must be done in the right way at the right moment under pain of the most unpleasant social consequences. In Malabar sometimes kudippaka or family vengeances were taken out by preventing the māttu of one another.  Fawcett notes

“How that the influential rural local magnate wreaks vengeance on a Taravad by preventing the right person giving " mattu " to the women is well known in Malabar. He could not with all the sections of the Penal Code at his disposal inflict deeper injury.”