പേജുകള്‍‌

Manna

Manna   or al-Mann wa al-Salwa,  sometimes or archaically spelled mana, is an edible substance that, according to Abrahamic doctrine, God provided for the Israelites during their travels in the desert according to the Bible and the Qur'an.


In the description in the Book of Exodus, manna is described as being "a fine, flake-like thing" like the frost on the ground.  It is described in the Book of Numbers as arriving with the dew during the night;  Exodus adds that manna was comparable to hoarfrost in size,  similarly had to be collected before it was melted by the heat of the sun,  and was white like coriander seed in color.  Numbers describes it as having the appearance ofbdellium, adding that the Israelites ground it and pounded it into cakes, which were then baked, resulting in something that tasted like cakes baked with oil.  Exodus states that raw manna tasted like wafers that had been made with honey.  The Israelites were instructed to eat only the manna they had gathered for each day. Leftovers or manna stored up for the following day "bred worms and stank":  the exception being the day beforeShabbat (Preparation Day), when twice the amount of manna was gathered, which did not spoil overnight; because, Exodus 16:23-24 [states] "This is what the LORD commanded: 'Tomorrow is to be a day of rest, a holy Sabbath to the LORD. So bake what you want to bake and boil what you want to boil. Save whatever is left and keep it until morning.' " 24 So they saved it until morning, as Moses commanded, and it did not stink or get maggots in it."
In Islamic literature
The word mana appears three times in the Qurʾān. It is narrated in the hadith Sahih Muslim that the prophet Muhammad said "Truffles are part of the 'manna' which Allah, sent to the people of Israel through Moses, and its juice is a medicine for the eyes." 
Potential discrepancies
Some form critics posit conflicting descriptions of manna as derived from different lore, with the description in Numbers being from the Jahwist tradition, and the description in Exodus being from the later Priestly tradition.  The Babylonian Talmud states that the differences in description were due to the taste varying depending on who ate it, with it tasting like honey for small children, like bread for youths, and like oil for the elderly. Similarly,classical rabbinical literature rectifies the question of whether manna came before or after dew, by holding that the manna was sandwiched between two layers of dew, one falling before the manna, and the other after. 
Identifying manna

Some scholars have proposed that manna is cognate with the Egyptian term mennu, meaning "food". At the turn of the twentieth century, Arabs of the Sinai Peninsula were selling resin from the tamarisk tree as man es-simma, roughly meaning "heavenly manna". Tamarisk trees (particularlyTamarix gallica) were once comparatively extensive throughout the southern Sinai, and their resin is similar to wax, melts in the sun, is sweet and aromatic (like honey), and has a dirty-yellow color, fitting somewhat with the Biblical descriptions of manna. However, this resin is mostly composed from sugar, so it would be unlikely to provide sufficient nutrition for a population to survive over long periods of time,  and it would be very difficult for it to have been compacted to become cakes.


In the Biblical account, the name manna is said to derive from the question man hu, seemingly meaning "What is it?"; this is perhaps an Aramaicetymology, not a Hebrew one.  Man is possibly cognate with the Arabic term man, meaning plant lice, with man hu thus meaning "this is plant lice",  which fits one widespread modern identification of manna, the crystallized honeydew of certain scale insects.  In the environment of a desert, such honeydew rapidly dries due to evaporation of its water content, becoming a sticky solid, and later turning whitish, yellowish, or brownish;  honeydew of this form is considered a delicacy in the Middle East, and is a good source of carbohydrates. 
The other widespread identification is that manna is the thalli of certain lichens (particularly Lecanora esculenta);  this food source is often used as a substitute for maize in the Eurasian Steppe.  This material is light, often drifting in the wind, and has a yellow outer coat with a white inside, somewhat matching the Biblical description of manna; it does need additional drying, but is definitely not similar to honey in taste. 
A number of ethnomycologists such as R. Gordon WassonJohn Marco Allegro, and Terence McKenna, have suggested that most characteristics of manna are similar to that of Psilocybe cubensis mushrooms, notorious breeding grounds for insects, which decompose rapidly. These peculiar fungi naturally produce a number of molecules that resemble human neurochemicals, and first appear as small fibres (mycelia) that resemble hoarfrost.Psilocybin, a molecule in the Psilocybe cubensis, has shown to produce spiritual experiences, with "personal meaning and spiritual significance 14 months later".  In a Psilocybin study from 2006 one-third of the participants reported that the experience was the single most spiritually significant moment of their lives and more than two-thirds reported it was among the top five most spiritually significant experiences. A side-effect from Psilocybin consumption is the loss of appetite.  This speculation (also paralleled in Philip K. Dick's posthumously published The Transmigration of Timothy Archer) is supported in a wider cultural context when compared with the praise of Haoma in the RigvedaMexican praise of teonanácatl, the peyote sacrament of the Native American Church, and the Holy Ayahuasca used in the ritual of the União do Vegetal and Santo Daime. 
Other minority identifications of manna are that it was a kosher species of locust,  or that it was the sap of certain succulent plants (such as those of the genus Alhagi, which have an appetite-suppressing effect). 

Origin


Manna is from Heaven, according to the Bible,  but the various identifications of manna are naturalistic. In the Mishnah, manna is treated as a supernatural substance, created during the twilight of the sixth day of Creation,  and ensured to be clean, before it arrives, by the sweeping of the ground by a northern wind and subsequent rains.According to classical rabbinical literature, manna was ground in a heavenly mill for the use of the righteous, but some of it was allocated to the wicked and left for them to grind themselves. 
Use and function
Until they reached Canaan, the Israelites are implied by some passages in the Bible to have eaten only manna during their desert sojourn,  despite the availability of milk and meat from the livestock with which they traveled, and the references to provisions of fine flour, oil, and meat, in parts of the journey's narrative. 
As a natural food substance, manna would produce waste products; but in classical rabbinical literature, as a supernatural substance, it was held that manna produced no waste, resulting in no defecation among the Israelites until several decades later, when the manna had ceased to fall.  Modern medical science suggests the lack of defecation over such a long period of time would cause severe bowel problems, especially when other food later began to be consumed again. Classical rabbinical writers say that the Israelites complained about the lack of defecation, and were concerned about potential bowel problems.
Many Christian vegetarians say that God had originally intended man would not eat meat because plants cannot move and killing them would not besinful: manna, a nonmeat substance, is used to support this theory. Further, when the people complained and wished for quail, God gave it to them, but they apparently still complained and some greedily gathered the quail. "While the meat was still between their teeth, before it was chewed, the anger of the Lord was kindled against the people." 
Food was not manna's only use; one classical rabbinical source states that the fragrant odor of manna was used in an Israelite perfume. 
Gathering
Exodus says each day one omer of manna was gathered per family member (about 3.64 litres),  and may imply this was regardless of how much effort was put into gathering it;  a midrash attributed to Rabbi Tanhuma remarks that although some were diligent enough to go into the fields to gather manna, others just lay down lazily and caught it with their outstretched hands.  The Talmud states that this factor was used to solve disputes about the ownership of slaves, since the number of omers of manna each household could gather would indicate how many people were legitimately part of the household;  the omers of manna for stolen slaves could only be gathered by legitimate owners, and therefore legitimate owners would have spare omers of manna. 

According to the Talmud, manna was found near the homes of those with strong belief in God, and far from the homes of those with doubts;  indeed, one classical midrash says that manna was intangible to Gentiles, as it would inevitably slip from their hands.  The Midrash Tanhuma holds that manna melted, formed liquid streams, was drunk by animals, flavored the animal flesh, and was thus indirectly eaten by Gentiles, this being the only manner that Gentiles could taste manna.  Despite these hints of uneven distribution, classical rabbinical literature expresses the view that manna fell in very large quantities each day. It holds that manna was layered out over 2,000 cubits square, between 50 and 60 cubits in height, enough to nourish the Israelites for 2,000 years  and to be seen from the palaces of every king in the East and West,  probably a metaphorical statement.
Shabbat
According to RIKI, Shabbat (Sabbath) was instituted the first week the manna appeared.  It states that twice as much manna as usual was available on the sixth mornings of the week, and none at all could be found on the seventh days;  although manna usually rotted and became maggot-infested after a single night,  manna which had been collected on the sixth day remained fresh until the second night.  Moses stated that the double portion of Preparation Day was to be consumed on Shabbat;  and that God instructed him no one should leave his place on Shabbat,  so that the people could rest during it. 
Form critics regard this part of the manna narrative to be spliced together from the Yahwist and Priestly traditions, with the Yahwist tradition emphasizing rest during Shabbat, while the Priestly tradition merely states that Shabbat exists, implying that the meaning of "Shabbat" was already known. These critics regard this part of the manna narrative as an etiological supernature story designed to explain the origin of Shabbat observance, which in reality was probably pre-Mosaic. 
Duration of supply
Exodus states that the Israelites consumed the manna for 40 years, starting from the fifteenth day of the second month (Iyar 15), but that it then ceased to appear once they had reached a settled land, and once they had reached the borders of Canaan (inhabited by the Canaanites).  Form critics attribute this variation to the view that each expression of the manna ceasing derives from different lore; the "settled land" is attributed to the Priestly tradition,  and "Canaan's borders" to the Yahwist tradition, or to a hypothetical later redaction to synchronize the account with that of the Book of Joshua, which states that the manna ceased to appear on the day after the annual Passover festival (Nisan 14), when the Israelites had reached Gilgal.  The duration from Iyar 15 to Nisan 14, taken literally, is 40 years less one month.
There is also a disagreement among classical rabbinical writers as to when the manna ceased, particularly in regard to whether it remained after the death of Moses for a further 40 days, 70 days, or 14 years;  indeed, according to Joshua ben Levi, the manna ceased to appear at the moment that Moses died. 
Despite the eventual termination of the supply of manna, Exodus states that a small amount of it survived within an omer-sized pot or jar, which was kept facing the Testimony (possibly, adjacent to the Ark of the Covenant); it indicates that Yahweh instructed this of Moses, who delegated it to Aaron. The Epistle to the Hebrews states that the pot was stored inside the Ark. Classical rabbinical sources believe the pot was of gold; some say it was only there for the generation following Moses, and others that it survived at least until the time of Jeremiah. However, the First Book of Kings states that it was absent earlier than Jeremiah, during Solomon's reign in the tenth century B.C. Form critics attribute the mention of the pot to the Priestly tradition, concluding that the pot existed in the early sixth century B.C.  

Mana


Mana is an indigenous Pacific islander concept of an impersonal force (false ego) or quality that resides in people, animals, and inanimate objects. The word is a cognate in many Oceanic languages, including MelanesianPolynesian, and Micronesian.
In anthropological discourse, mana as a generalized concept is often understood as a precursor to formal religion. It has commonly been interpreted as "the stuff of which magic is formed," as well as the substance of which souls are made.
Modern fantasy fiction, computer and role-playing games have adopted mana as a term for magic points, an expendable (and most often rechargeable) resource out of which magic users form their magical spells.
Etymology
Mana is a common word in Pacific indigenous languages and more recently a New Zealand English word. See Māori influence on New Zealand English.
In New Zealand
The indigenous word reflects a non-Western view of reality, complicating translation. To quote the New Zealand Ministry of Justice:
Mana and tapu are concepts which have both been attributed single-worded definitions by contemporary writers. As concepts, especially Maori concepts they can not easily be translated in to a single English definition. Both mana and tapu take on a whole range of related meanings depending on their association and the context in which they are being used. 
In contemporary New Zealand English, the word "mana", taken from the Maori, refers to a person or organization of people of great personal prestige and character.  Sir Edmund Hillary, is considered to have great mana both because of his accomplishments and of how he gave his life to service. Perceived egotism can diminish mana because New Zealand culture tends to shun personal display (see Tall poppy syndrome). A New Zealander might say, "Sir Ed has a lot of mana" even though he is deceased. Also, a New Zealander might say, "Sir Ed brought a lot of mana to the Sir Edmund Hillary Outdoor Pursuit Centre" (OPC) meaning that it has mana because of its association with a man of great mana. However if the OPC did something that was not respected by New Zealanders, it could lose mana.
In Polynesian culture
In Polynesian culture, mana is a spiritual quality considered to have supernatural origin—a sacred impersonal force existing in the universe. Therefore to have mana is to have influence and authority, and efficacy—the power to perform in a given situation. This essential quality of mana is not limited to persons—peoples, governments, places and inanimate objects can possessmana. There are two ways to obtain mana: through birth and through warfare. People or objects that possess mana are accorded respect because their possession of mana gives them authority,power, and prestige. The word’s meaning is complex because mana is a basic foundation of the Polynesian worldview.
In Māori culture
In Māori, a tribe that has mana whenua must have demonstrated their authority over a piece of land or territory.
In the Māori culture, there are two essential aspects to a person's mana: mana tangata, authority derived from whakapapa connections, and mana huaanga, defined as "authority derived from having a wealth of resources to gift to others to bind them into reciprocal obligations". 
In Hawaiian culture
In Hawaiian culture, Mana is a form of a spiritual energy and also healing power which can exist in places, objects and persons. It is the Hawaiian belief that there is a chance to gain mana and lose mana in everything that you do. It is also the Hawaiian belief that mana is an external as well as an internal thing. Certain sites in the Hawaiian Islands are believed to possess strong mana. For example, the top rim of the Haleakala volcano on the island of Maui is believed to be a location of strong mana.
Hawaiian ancestors also believed that the entire island of Molokai possesses strong mana, as compared to the neighboring islands. Many ancient battles among the Hawaiians, prior to the unification by King Kamehameha I, were fought over possession of Molokai Island, partly for this reason (and possession of the numerous ancient fish ponds that existed along the southern shore prior to the late-19th century).
In people, mana is often possessed or gained through pono (balance) actions, reflecting the balance that exists in the world and humanity's responsibility toward maintaining that balance.
In traditional Hawaii, there were always two paths to mana. A person could gain mana through sexual means or through violence. The Hawaiian way of thinking is that nature has a dualistic relationship and that everything in the world has a counterpart. Over time, a delicate balance between the Gods Ku and Lono were formed, and through them are the two paths to mana. Hawaiians often refer to this as "imihaku", or the search of mana or the search of a source. Ku, being the Hawaiian God of war and politics, offers mana through violence and this is how Kamehameha the Great gained his mana. Lono is the Hawaiian God of peace and fertility, and offers mana through sexual relationships. If a commoner was able to sleep with an Alii Nui Wahine, then he gains the mana of that chief. Mana in Hawaiian culture is a popular topic of everyday discourse. It is not to be mistaken, however, for the same mana term used in the Huna religion, which is primarily practiced by non-Hawaiians and is often considered by ethnic Hawaiians to be an exploitation of Hawaiian ancestral beliefs.  
For a Mo'i (supreme ruler) to fail on either path to mana was to prove himself out of the state of pono (righteousness). When a pono Mo'i was was devoted to the Akua and the Aina, the whole society prospered. When disaster struck, these were signs that the Mo'i had ceased to be religious and in turn would be killed and replaced by another Alii Nui (high ranking chief). Alii Nui had a great passion for war because it was a great avenue to mana. Those victorious in war sacrificed the defeated upon an altar for Ku, thereby collecting that person's mana. In modern society, certain behavioral patterns are still repeated today. However, the path of Ku has eluded us.  
Apart from the dualistic paths to mana, there was also another path to mana often practiced by the high ranking chiefs and especially the Mo'i. This practice is called a Ni'aupi'o relationship. To Hawaiians, the offspring of a brother sister mating was an Akua (God). If one was truly the Mo'i, he should seek out a Ni'aupi'o relationship (Ex: Kauikeaouli and Nahi'ena'ena). It is the Hawaiian way of thinking that the only way to ensure divinity and the protection of the family's mana is through an incestual mating. Uncle-niece and Aunt-nephew pairings were also desirable for the bridge in the generation gap.  
In Melanesian culture
Melanesian mana is thought to be a sacred impersonal force existing in the universe. Mana can be in people, animals, plants and objects. Similar to the idea of efficacy, or luck, the Melanesians thought all success traced back to mana. Magic is a typical way to acquire or manipulate this luck.
Objects that have mana can change a person’s luck. Examples of such objects are charms or amulets. For instance if a prosperous hunter gave a charm that had mana to another person the prosperous hunter’s luck would go with it.
Universal archetype
Concepts analogous to mana in various other cultures include the power of magic, sympathetic magic and of seeking the intervention of a specific supernatural being, whether deitysaint or deceased ancestor.
The concept of a life-energy inherent in all living beings is a common archetype, appearing in many ancient religions and systems of metaphysics.
Analogies  to mana in other societies include:
  • Anishinaabe traditional beliefsmanitou
  • Australian Aboriginal mythologymaban
  • Aztec religionteotl
  • Balinese religionsekhti 
  • Basque mythologyAdur
  • Egyptian mythologyka
  • Finnish mythologyVäki
  • Greek mythologyichor
  • Inuit mythologyinuasila
  • Iroquois mythologyorenda
  • Leni Lenape mythologymanetuwak
  • Norse mythologySei?r
  • Roman mythologynumen
  • Salish-Kootenai mythology: sumesh
  • Sioux Indians (Dakota): Wakan
  • Welsh mythologyawen
  • YogapranachakraBindumantraahamkarakarmasiddhi
  • Yoruba mythology: ashe
Also related are the philosophical concepts of:
  • Chinese philosophyqi (or chi), Tao
  • European alchemy and philosophy: aether, (or ether), quintessence
  • Hindu philosophy: Maan (Respect, acknowledgement, belief)
  • Japanese philosophykamiki, rei; Ryukyuan mabui
  • Tibetan Buddhism & Bön: yang (g.yang)
  • VitalismÉlan vital
Mana came to the attention of the anthropological community with the English missionary Robert Henry Codrington's (1830–1922) work The Melanesians (1891). It has since been discussed by anthropologists such as Émile Durkheim (1912), Marcel Mauss (1924), Claude Lévi-Strauss (1950) and Roger Keesing (1984).
Games and fiction

 
In computer and role-playing games which feature magic, a common game mechanic is a limited pool of mana which is depleted when the character casts spells.
Fantasy writer Larry Niven in his 1969 short story Not Long Before the End described mana as a natural resource which is used or channeled by wizards to cast magic spells. He expanded on this idea in other works, notably his 1978 novella The Magic Goes Away. Mana is a limited resource in Niven's work, a fact which eventually will lead to the end of all magic in his antediluvianfantasy setting when all mana is depleted.
Many subsequent fantasy settings (role-playing games in particular) have followed Niven in his use of mana.
In the Ben 10 cartoon franchise, a race of energy beings called Anodites are said to be made of pure mana.
In the card game Magic: The Gathering, mana is the resource used to cast spells. It comes in five colors, each color being naturally generated by a different land type (white mana from Plains, blue from Islands, black from Swamps, red from Mountains, green from Forests).

Magic and religion


Magical thinking in various forms is a cultural universal and an important aspect of religion.
In many cases it becomes difficult or impossible to draw any meaningful line between beliefs and practices that are magical versus those that are religious, but in general the term religion is reserved for an organized cult with a priesthood and dedicated sites of worship or sacrifice, while magic is prevalent in all societies, regardless of whether they have organized religion or more general systems of animism or shamanism. Religion and magic became conceptually separated with the development of western monotheism, where the distinction arose between supernatural events sanctioned by mainstream religious doctrine ("miracles") and mere magic rooted in folk belief or occult speculation. In pre-monotheistic religious traditions, there is no fundamental distinction between religious practice and magic; tutelary deities concerned with magic are sometimes called "hermetic deities" or "spirit guides."

Magical practices in prehistory



Appearing from aboriginal tribes in Australia and New Zealand to rainforest tribes in South Americabush tribes in Africa and pagan tribal groups in Western Europe and Britain (as personified byMerlin, based on Welsh prophet Myrddin Wyllt), some form of shamanism and belief in a spirit world seems to be common in the early development of human communities. According to Joseph Campbell, the ancient cave paintings in Lascaux may have been associated with "the magic of the hunt."  Much of the Babylonian and Egyptian pictorial writing characters appear derived from the same sources.
Although indigenous magical traditions persist to this day, very early on some communities transitioned from nomadic to agricultural civilizations, and with this shift, the development of spiritual life mirrored that of civic life. Just as tribal elders were consolidated and transformed into monarchs and bureaucrats, so too did shamans and adepts evolve into priestly caste.
This shift is not in nomenclature alone. It is at this stage of development that highly codified and elaborate rituals, setting the stage for formal religions, began to emerge, such as the funeral rites of the Egyptians and the sacrifice rituals of the Babylonians, PersiansAztecs, and Maya civilizations.

Anthropological and psychological perspectives

It is a postulate of modern anthropology, at least since early 1930s, that there is complete continuity between magic and religion.  In the past, there have been many attempts by anthropologists to establish some fundamental distinction between magic and religion, most notably by James George Frazer and Bronisław Malinowski; they tried to demonstrate that "magical thinking" is a form of proto-science or pseudoscience rather than a form of religious practice, and that by this line of thought, early magical beliefs developed through a post-hoc fallacy — a supplication was made on the altar, and then it rained shortly afterward. Regardless of whether the supplication was the actual cause, it was credited with the change, and thus magical beliefs could grow. 
One magician's response to this is that magic is unconcerned with establishing causality, only repeatability: Ramsey Dukes explains in his book S.S.O.T.B.M.E. that questions such as "Are you sure it was your magic that cured her?" are irrelevant to the magician. "If it was a coincidence, it doesn't matter just so long as he can bring about such coincidences" 

Religious practices and magic

Closely related to magic are most forms of religious supplication, asking the divine for aid. Perhaps the most famous form is prayer, which is ordained by many religions as a spiritual duty, even aside from any effects on the outside world. 
Both magic and religion contain rituals. Typically, there is a recognition that rituals do not always work; rather, it is thought to simply increase the likelihood of the desired result coming to pass . While many rituals focus on personal communion with the divine and spiritual purification, others often seek "magical" results, such as healing or good luck in battle.
Likewise, both can be divided by the effects they produce into perception and material changes. That is, whether prayer or some type of spell is used, it can either bring about an actual change (material) or a change in the way the subject feels (perception). The same prayer, for it to be "cooler" could therefore either actually raise the temperature, or simply alter the praying subject and any other targets feeling of the temperature. This is not to say that perception changes are not "real" as it could be used in healing to numb the sensation of pain, allowing healing to take place more easily.
The names of the Gods
There is a long-standing belief in the power of "true names;" this often descends from the magical belief that knowing a being's true name grants you power over it. This is often seen as a requirement in spiritualism; knowing the identity of a spirit greatly aids in soliciting information from it.
If names have power, then knowing the name of a god that is regarded as supreme in your religion should grant the greatest power of all. This belief is reflected in traditional Wicca, where the names of the Goddess and the Horned God - the two supreme deities in Wicca - are usually held as a secret to be revealed only to initiates. This belief is also reflected in ancient Judaism, which used the Tetragrammaton (YHWH, usually translated as "Lord" in small caps) to refer to God "safely" in the Tanakh. The same belief is seen in Hinduism, but with different conclusions; rather, attaining transcendence and the power of God is seen as a good thing. Thus, some Hindus chant the name of their favorite deities as often as possible, the most common being Krishna. 
Religious artifacts
Some religions believe in transferring holiness to objects and places; this is often seen in even simple things like "christening" ceremonies for a new boat. Churches and certain religiously-minded individuals often consecrate the ground where a building will be constructed.
The practice was common during the Middle Ages, where a large market for spiritual trinkets existed. Fragments of the true cross and bones of saints were often brought back by Crusaders from the Holy Land, where they were sold to the peasantry as cure-alls. Most scholarly sources agree that the vast majority of these sales were frauds and simply a form of supplemental income for the Crusaders. . This practice somewhat fell into disrepute during the Reformation; it became associated with idol worship. As a result, this is less seen in Protestantism thanRoman Catholicism or Eastern Orthodoxy. 
Sacrifice
One of the more controversial practices in magic and religion both, this involves a sacrifice to a supernatural being, such as a godangel, or demon, who is asked to intervene on behalf of the person performing the sacrifice.
Sacrifice can take many forms. The most common forms of supplication and sacrifice in pagan and neopagan religious practice involves the burning of oils or incense. Other common forms of supplication may include the offering of personal objects to a deity, offering chants, and the offering of drinks and food. Less used is blood sacrifice. In early history, blood sacrifice was common; a goat or calf would be sacrificed. Often, divination would be practiced via the reading of entrails (notably in Ancient Rome). Leviticus contains detailed rules for proper blood sacrifice, used in early Judaism. Blood sacrifice has been rejected by some neopagans, but not all; both Ásatrú and Celtic/Irish Reconstructionists still practice blood sacrifice and burnt animal offerings. Inhoodooblood ritual, or the giving of one's own blood in ritual practices, is not entirely uncommon. Most strands of modern Judaism believe that with the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, there is no place to sacrifice to any more, and thus the need is negated (modern Samaritans disagree, and maintain the practice). In Christianity, it is believed that Jesus's final sacrifice renders any further sacrifices unnecessary. Some syncretic blends of Islam and native practices in places such as Indonesia feature sacrifice as an element of worship.
The most extreme form of sacrifice, and the one carrying the most negative taboo, is human sacrifice. The moloch is one famous but disputed example of the practice; the Carthaginiansseemingly sacrificed young children when circumstances looked grim, hoping to regain their gods' favor. Some historians attribute this as one reason for their downfall. Other cultures preferred to sacrifice only their enemies, offering up captured prisoners in supplication; the Druids became one of the two religions banned by the Roman Empire due to their practice of (Roman) human sacrifice.  The book Genesis contains the famous story of the "Binding of Isaac"; Abraham is ordered to sacrifice his son Isaac by God, but it turns out that God was only performing a test, and a ram is sent instead. Human sacrifice is condemned afterward. The Qur'an contains strong condemnations of the Arabian pagans who would sacrifice babies who turned out to be unwanted girls by leaving them in pots in the desert to die of exposure, saying that such practice surely leads to hell.
Magic and Abrahamic religion
Magic and Abrahamic religions have had a somewhat checkered past. The King James Version of the Bible included the famous translation "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live" (Exodus 22:18), and Saul is rebuked by God for seeking advice from a diviner who could contact spirits. On the other hand, seemingly magical signs are documented in the Bible: For example, both the staff of Pharaoh's sorcerers as well as the staff of Moses and Aaron could be turned into snakes (Exodus 7:8-13). However, as Scott Noegel points out, the critical difference between the magic of Pharaoh's magicians and the non-magic of Moses is in the means by which the staff becomes a snake. For the Pharaoh's magicians, they employed "their secret arts" whereas Moses merely throws down his staff to turn it into a snake. To an ancient Egyptian, the startling difference would have been that Moses neither employed secret arts nor magical words. In the Torah, Noegel points out that YHWH does not need magical rituals to act. 
See also Numbers 21:5-9, in which Moses creates a Bronze Snake in order to heal the Israelites from snake bites. But see the Talmud, Rosh Hashanah 29a, which asserts that it was not the bronze serpent that healed the Israelites, but rather their seeing the snake and submitting themselves to God.
The words "witch" and "witchcraft" appear in some English versions of the Christian Holy Bible. One verse that is probably responsible for more deaths of suspected witches than any other passage from the Hebrew Scriptures (Old Testament) is Exodus 22:18  . In the King James Version, this reads: "Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live." The precise meaning of the Hebrew word kashaph, here translated as 'witch' and in some other modern versions, 'sorceress', is uncertain. In the Septuagint it was translated as pharmakeia, meaning 'pharmacy', and on this basis, Reginald Scot claimed in the 16th century that 'witch' was an incorrect translation and poisoners were intended.  His theory still holds some currency, but is not widely accepted, and in Daniel 2:2 kashaph is listed alongside other magic practitioners who could interpret dreams: magicians, astrologers and Chaldeans. It may be noted that gender the Hebrew word kashaph is in the masculine, and in modern Hebrew usage, kashaph is synonemous with a male sorcerer.
The Judeo-Christian abhorrence of witches was not peculiar to them. The pagan Roman Empire, Egyptian Empire and Babylonian Empires all developed laws against malevolent witchcraft. The ancient Code of Hammurabi specifically called for death to witches, and also proscribed false accusations of witchcraft:
If a man has laid a charge of witchcraft and has not justified it, he upon whom the witchcraft is laid shall go to the holy river; he shall plunge into the holy river and if the holy river overcome him, he who accused him shall take to himself his house.

kachina


kachina   is a spirit being in western Pueblocosmology and religious practices.  The western Pueblo, Native American cultures located in the southwestern United States, include HopiZuni,Tewa Village (on the Hopi Reservation), Acoma Pueblo, and Laguna Pueblo. The kachina religion has spread to more eastern Pueblos, e.g. from Laguna to Isleta. The term also refers to the kachina dancers, masked members of the tribe who dress up as kachinas for religious ceremonies, and kachina dolls, wooden figures representing kachinas which are given as gifts to children.
Kachinas are spirits or personifications of things in the real world. A kachina can represent anything in the natural world or cosmos, from a revered ancestor to an element, a location, a quality, a natural phenomenon, or a concept. There are more than 400 different kachinas in Hopi and Pueblo culture. The local pantheon of kachinas varies in each pueblo community; there may be kachinas for the sun, stars, thunderstorms, wind, corn, insects, and many other concepts. Kachinas are understood as having humanlike relationships; they may have uncles, sisters, and grandmothers, and may marry and have children. Although not worshipped,  each is viewed as a powerful being who, if given veneration and respect, can use their particular power for human good, bringing rainfall, healing, fertility, or protection, for example. One observer has written: 
"The central theme of the kachina cult is the presence of life in all objects that fill the universe. Everything has an essence or a life force, and humans must interact with these or fail to survive."

Origins


 Kachina was the most widespread and practiced religion by the Pueblo two hundred years or so before the Spaniards came to the West.
Zuni kachinas
The Zuni believe that the kachinas live in the Lake of the Dead, a mythical lake which is reached through Listening Spring Lake. This is located at the junction of the Zuni River and the Little Colorado River.
Hopi kachinas
Within Hopi religion, the kachinas are said to live on the San Francisco Peaks near Flagstaff, Arizona. The most important Hopi kachinas are calledwuya.
Among the Hopi, kachina dolls are traditionally carved by the uncles and given to uninitiated girls at the Bean Dance (Spring Bean Planting Ceremony) and Home Dance Ceremony in the summer. The function of the dolls is to acquaint children with some of the many kachinas.
In Hopi the word is often used to represent the spiritual beings themselves (said to be connected with the Fifth World, Taalawsohu), the dolls, or the people who dress as kachinas for ceremonial dances, which are understood to all embody aspects of the same belief system. Among other uses, the kachinas represent historical events and things in nature, and are used to educate children in the ways of life.
Wuya
The most important of the kachinas are known as wuya. These are some of the wuyas:
  • Ahöla
  • Ahöl Mana
  • Aholi
  • Ahul
  • Ahulani
  • Akush
  • Alosaka
  • Angak
  • Angwushahai-i
  • Angwusnasomtak 
  • Chaveyo
  • Chakwaina
  • Chiwap
  • Chowilawu
  • Cimon Mana
  • Danik?china
  • Dawa (kachina)
  • Eototo
  • Hahai-i Wuhti
  • He-e-e
  • Huruing Wuhti
  • Kalavi
  • Kaletaka
  • Ketowa Bisena
  • Köchaf
  • Kököle
  • Kokopelli
  • Kokosori
  • Kokyang Wuhti
  • Kwasai Taka
  • Lemowa
  • Masau'u
  • Mastop
  • Maswik
  • Mong
  • Muyingwa
  • Nakiachop
  • Nataska
  • Ongchomo
  • Pachava Hú
  • Patung
  • Pohaha or Pahana
  • Saviki
  • Pöqangwhoya
  • Shalako Taka
  • Shalako Mana
  • Söhönasomtaka
  • Soyal
  • Tiwenu
  • Toho
  • Tokoch
  • Tsitot
  • Tukwinong
  • Tukwinong Mana
  • Tumas
  • Tumuala
  • Tungwup
  • Ursisimu
  • We-u-u
  • Wiharu
  • Wukokala
  • Wupa-ala
  • Wupamo
  • Wuyak-kuita